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This is a document in Serbian and English
where you can find various information concerning
the NATO military action against Serbia.

Bombing Yugoslavia - Index

Looking for Evidence of Mass Atrocities in Kosovo

Sending you an almost unique piece of journalism. It tells us that there
is "more than meets the eye" to the stories about "mass atrocities"
committed by Serbians. It shows rare critical and skeptical thinking in
a Western journalist. Read and pass on. Perhaps the tide of scandalously
biased and superficial journalism is finally turning...

Marjaleena Repo

for the Ad Hoc Committee to Stop Canada's
Participation in the War Against Yugoslavia

London Review of Books, Volume 21, Number 11, Cover date 27 May 1999


(Audrey Gillan tries to find the evidence for mass atrocities in Kosovo)

Ferteze Nimari had lost two of her brothers and her husband was forced
to bury all the dead in one grave. Later, packed into a stifling bus
with sixty fellow Kosovars, the couple held onto each other as he
clutched a strap suspended from the ceiling. The bus stopped in the
Stankovac I refugee camp in Macedonia and they told their story. 'The
tank came to our village of Sllovi. The Serb neighbours said not to
worry - it was just there to observe us. But by lunchtime the next day a
teenage girl lay dead in the street. Then another 15 people were killed.
They told us to run into the woods and they started shooting us.'

I asked them so many questions about what they had seen. 'What happened
when your brothers were shot?' 'How many people did you bury?' 'How do
you feel now?' When they said the Serbs had forced an old woman into a
tent and burned her alive I looked at them doubtfully and asked how they
knew she had been alive. Someone from her family had seen it happen,
they said.

The Nimaris had arrived at what they thought was a safe haven, but I
pursued them, and I did so unsparingly. I got on the bus when the driver
opened the doors for air. They had stood for hours on that malodorous
bus. I felt sorry for them: but not so sorry that I stopped the
questions. They had yet to step down to the misery of the camp the
British press has taken to calling 'Brazda'. All they had was a bottle
of water passed to them through an open window - and my questions.
Ferteze, eight months pregnant, caught me glancing at the watch on her
wrist when Remzi, her husband, said all the women in the village had
been robbed of their jewellery.

Earlier that day, Ron Redmond, the baseball-capped spokesman for the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, stood at the Blace border
crossing from Kosovo into Macedonia and said there were new reports of
mass rapes and killings from three villages in the Lipljan area: Sllovi,
Hallac Evogel and Ribari Evogel. He spoke to the press of bodies being
desecrated, eyes being shot out. The way he talked it sounded as if
there had been at least a hundred murders and dozens of rapes. When I
pressed him on the rapes, asking him to be more precise, he reduced it a
bit and said he had heard that five or six teenage girls had been raped
and murdered. He had not spoken to any witnesses. 'We have no way of
verifying these reports of rape,' he conceded. 'These are among the
first that we have heard of at this border.'

Other UNHCR officials later told stories of women being tied to the
walls of their houses and burned, 24 bodies buried in Kosovo Polje.
Another report, again from Sllovi, put the dead at a hundred. Mr and Mrs
Nimari were adamant that it was 16. Truth can be scarce at the Blace
border and in the camps dotted around Macedonia, but you are not allowed
to say that during a war like this, where it may be that bad things are
being done on both sides, just as you are not allowed to doubt atrocity.
It's as if Nato and its entourage were trying to make up for the
witlessness of the past: trying to show that whatever we do, we won't be
turning a blind eye. But the simple-minded reporter in me wants to ask a
question: is there any real evidence for what is being said?

In Macedonia, listening to the stories and the UNHCR accounts, you would
find it hard to tell what was hearsay and what was fact. When you looked
at the people clinging onto the carrier bags that now held the remnants
of their lives, it seemed evident that terrible things had happened to
them, that people had been forced to flee their homes and drag
themselves to a non-life in another country. Each person arriving at the
camps had experienced some kind of trauma, and most are still living it.
Many have seen death and other horrors. It is just that there is little
to suggest that they have seen it in the ways, and on the scale, that
people want to say they have. Most of those who have seen killing have
seen one or two shot and the bodies of others. Eye-witnesses to multiple
atrocities are very rare and the simple - and not at all simple - truth
is that it can often be hard to establish the veracity of the
information. One afternoon, the people in charge said there were
refugees arriving who talked of sixty or more being killed in one
village, fifty in another, but I could not find one eye-witness who
actually saw these things happening.

Now, they may have happened. But what we have is a situation where
Western journalists accept details without question. Almost every day,
the world's media, jostling for stories in Macedonia, strain to find
figures that may well not exist. In the absence of any testimony, many
just report what some agency or other has told them. I stood by as a
reporter from BBC World reeled off what Ron Redmond had said, using the
words 'hundreds', 'rape' and 'murder' in the same breath. By way of
qualification (a fairly meaningless one in the circumstances), he added
that the stories had yet to be substantiated. Why, then, had he reported
them so keenly in the first place?

I found myself wanting to discover the evidence. I was also impatient to
find a 'good' story - i.e. a mass atrocity. As each new bus trundled
over the border, I told my interpreter to shout through the windows
asking if anyone was from the three villages Redmond had mentioned. Did
they know anyone, had they seen anything? We went along twenty buses
before we found Mr and Mrs Nimari. A transit camp had been set up in the
no man's land between the river and the frontier road at Blace. This was
where the tens of thousands were trapped in fetid misery before
Macedonian officials dispersed them one night to the newly-built camps.
Now the place is used to give a night's rest to some of the great many
who wait patiently at this border for entry to a country that doesn't
want them and to which they really don't want to go. Every 20 minutes,
the Macedonian police let around two hundred people clamber down a dirt
path to be processed before being admitted into the camp. As they stood
in line, I asked whether anyone was from those villages and whether
they'd seen anything they wanted to talk about. No one was and no one
did. Or at least they didn't want to tell us about it.

It seemed that the Nimaris were the only people from Sllovi. I was moved
by their fear and passion to believe everything they said. Remzi told me
he'd buried the dead in a grave in the woods at Lugi i Demes. It will
take the verifiers from the International Criminal Tribunal for the
Former Yugoslavia in The Hague to put our agitated, agitating minds at

The officers from ICTY, the verifiers from the Organisation for Security
and Co-operation in Europe and researchers from Human Rights Watch are
compiling reports of war crimes, which will be used at a later date for
any trial at The Hague. Speaking to these people, I found them to be
wary of using the hyperbole favoured by reporters and by the UNHCR. They
say they have yet to see evidence of atrocities on the scale that they
witnessed while working in Bosnia. When I went to see Benedicte Giaever,
the co-ordinator for OSCE's field office in Skopje, I saw that she was
angered by the behaviour of the media. I squirmed when she said she had
heard of a female journalist getting onto a bus to question some
refugees. She said almost every journalist who came to see her asked one
thing: could she give them a rape victim to interview. She spoke of one
woman being 'hunted down' by journalists and having to have her tent
moved to shelter her from their intrusions: she had had a breakdown.

I wanted at the same time to test the validity of the truths being
offered us and to behave decently in the face of what could not be known
for sure, and I knew it wasn't possible to do both. Yet I could see that
much of this rough treatment of female refugees was a direct consequence
of Robin Cook telling the world that there was evidence of rape camps
inside Kosovo. 'Young women are being separated from the refugee
columns,' he said, 'and forced to undergo systematic rape in an army
camp. We have evidence from many refugees who have managed to escape
that others were taken to rape camps.'

I know of several tabloid reporters who were despatched to Macedonia and
Albania with the sole purpose of finding a rape victim. Talking to each
other in the bar of Skopje's Hotel Continental we rehearsed the question
which has now become notorious: 'Is there anyone here who's been raped
and speaks English?' We were aware of the implications of some of our
more despicable behaviour. We knew that one woman, raped by Serbian
soldiers then forced to leave her country, was traumatised all over
again by a journalist looking for a good story.

The things you come to know as a journalist do not march in single file.
Facts are often renegade. But among the rape victims arriving in
Macedonia nobody spoke of anything like the camps the British Foreign
Secretary referred to. Benedicte Giaever told me there had been rape,
but not systematic and not on a grand scale. The same was true of the
killing. 'We don't have big numbers,' she said. 'What we have are
consistent small numbers - two here, five there, ten here, seven there.'

Unlike the media and the UNHCR, the OSCE works in a slow, methodical
way, waiting a few days till the refugees have settled in before they
begin to ask questions. 'These people have just arrived and I would say
they are still under a lot of stress and tension,' Giaever says. 'In
that situation, 5 people can easily turn into 75. It's not that they
want to lie but often they are confused. It's not to say it didn't
happen. But a story could have moved around from village to village and
everyone from that village tells it as if it happened to them.'

Another senior OSCE source spoke even more clearly than any of us were
inclined to do. He told me he suspected that the Kosovo Liberation Army
had been persuading people to talk in bigger numbers, to crank up the
horror so that Nato might be persuaded to send ground troops in faster.
Robin Cook's rape camp was the same thing, he said: an attempt to get
the British public behind the bombing. And wasn't all this a lesson in
how propaganda works in modern war?

When I came back to London, I went to see the KLA's spokesman and
recruiting officer in Golders Green. Dr Pleurat Sejdiu, sitting beside
the KLA flag and busts of the Albanian national hero Skenderbeg, said
there were indeed rape camps, and that the evidence of mass atrocities
was to be found among the refugees in Albania, not in Macedonia. He is
in daily contact with the KLA frontline command by satellite phone and
has been told of rape camps in Gjakova, Rahovec, Suhareka, Prizren and
Skenderaj. 'We know there are concentration camps and women are kept and
raped there,' he said. 'I don't think we will get the evidence until we
go in with the ground troops. There are a lot of stories confirming it.
There are mass executions and mass graves are appearing now. We have
reports from our special units moving around Kosovo. And the pertinent
question is: where are the young men who have been taken from the
refugee columns? I think everything will be proved when Nato troops go

In Skopje I had been to see Ben Ward, a researcher for Human Rights
Watch, in the flat he is renting (he had found the Hotel Continental too
expensive and the behaviour of the reporters too disconcerting): he
pored over maps of Kosovo and pointed to villages where he knows
incidents have taken place. His information comes from eye-witnesses and
is corroborated by the testimony of others. He has noted a very definite
scorched-earth policy. But while his latest report details killings and
the mutilation of corpses in the villages of Bajnica and Cakaj, he
doesn't think there is evidence of mass executions. 'It is very rare for
people not to know someone who knows about people being killed. But
there doesn't appear to be anything to support allegations of mass
killings,' he said. 'It is generally paramilitaries who are responsible.
It doesn't seem organised. There appear to be individual acts of sadism
rather than anything else. There seems not to be any policy or
instruction, but that isn't to say that people have not been given the
latitude to kill. However, I don't think at this stage we have anything
that adds up to the systematic killing of civilians.' Ward believes that
those who stayed longer in Kosovo have been subjected to more violence,
that many have been terrorised because they have stayed so long. Many
have fled terror but some of those Ward spoke to said they were fleeing
the Nato bombs. 'The Serbs didn't touch us until Nato attacked,' a
Kosovar told him.

One morning I made a two-year-old girl hysterical. I had asked her
parents to show me the wound the child suffered when the bullet that
killed her grandmother entered her shoulder. I was getting desperate for
some kind of truth to hold onto. They pulled up Marigona Azemi's dress
and her pink T-shirt and pointed to a worn bandage. She squealed and
said it was the 'licia' who shot her, unable to get her small tongue
round the Albanian word milicia. Like the majority of those killed or
wounded or abused by the Serbs, Marigona was attacked by paramilitaries,
a vicious, marauding band. Seven people in her village of Lovc -
including her grandmother Nexhmije - were killed. Some villagers claimed
that a local teacher and his cousin were skinned alive before they were
burned, others said they were burned alive. No one actually saw this but
the rest of what they had to say tallied when they told their stories
independently. The Azemi family had been trying to escape on its tractor
when the paramilitaries opened fire: what they did was sadistic and it
was a horrendous tale, but it couldn't be turned into a story of mass
atrocity. Some people tell me that evil is evil; that there's no point
in quantifying it. Does that mean I am to accept Robin Cook's unchecked
facts because they align with my hunches?

I feel bad for having made Marigona cry in order to prove to myself that
there was truth in her story. (For days, I went to her - pathetically -
with dolls and hair bobbles and sweets and orange juice.) But that is
not all I feel. Watching the television images and listening to the
newscasters thunder about further reports of Serb massacres and of
genocide, I feel uneasy about saying that they have very little to go
on. Yet almost every newspaper journalist I spoke to privately in
Macedonia felt the same way. The story being seen at home is different
from the one that appeared to be happening on the ground.

Maybe the truth here is not one thing: but I don't want to be an
accomplice to a lie. I don't want to bellow for my life or for theirs,
yet there's something not right in this easy way with detail. It is a
surreal place, Macedonia, and it was this aspect to which a friend drew
my attention when I got home. Nobody much wants to return to Jean
Cocteau, but there was something soothing in the words my friend quoted.
'History is a combination of reality and lies,' he said. 'The reality of
history becomes a lie. The reality of the fable becomes the truth.'

Audrey Gillan is a reporter on the Guardian, for whom she went to Macedonia.

Pismo iz Beograda...



Danas je SPASOVDAN, krsna slava Beograda.

Taman smo se uziveli u bednu ideju da je, posle Generalstaba i Kineske
ambasade, Beograd postedjen, kad nam nocas, na krvavi jubilej od osam
nedelja bombardovanja, vampiri priredise besanu noc... Nismo ni culi
Sizelu, negde oko 9.30, pa se zacudismo na vest u dnevniku da je u
Beogradu na snazi vazdusna opasnost. Krenuse avioni u nisko senlucenje,
PVO otkida... Mi stidljivo provirismo na terasu (vise ne izlazimo od kad
su geleri od raketa PVO poceli da padaju u nas kraj - Milovana
Marinkovica i Lepenicka ulica). Na nebu orgije: krstarece rakete, 4 -5,
koliko prebrojah i bezbroj crvenih projektila PVO. Znaci, bice svasta!
Onda, nesto posle ponoci, grunu vrlo blizu prva jaka detonacija. Sidjemo
dole. Do 1.00, bilo ih je jos jedno cetiri... Komsija preko puta
saopstava nam sa prozora da gadjaju nesto iza Dedinjskog brda. Meni se,
u jednom trenutku ucinilo da sam iza bolnice Dragise Misovica videla
neki bljesak. Gaga nam javlja sa Crvenog Krsta da je videla da je to
nesto blizu nas, mozda Banjica.

Na vestima studija B, cujemo da je verovatno pogodjena benzinska pumpa
iza Zeleznicke bolnice, kao i da su gadjali Baric (hemijska industrija
za koju bas i ne znamo da li je stvarno ispraznjena) i naravno, obaveznu
Batajnicu. Avioni ne posustaju, u korak ih prati zustra paljba PVO.
Mislimo na Nadu B. koja je juce ujutru preuzela iz bolnice Sveti Sava
svoju slogiranu majku i od veceras vise ne spava kod mene. Sada je sama
sa njom u kuci, a ja sam joj sve vreme pricala kako je srecna sto nece
imati uspomene iz nocnog bombardovanja Beograda, pa i nece imati sta da
prica uzbudljivo kada se vrati u Englesku. Telefonirali smo joj - vrlo
je zabrinuta... Danas smesta majku u Bezanijsku Kosu.

Ja popih moj Nobritem oko 2.00 i legoh obucena posle jedno desetak dana
pravog nocnog spavanja u namestenom krevetu.

Malocas cujem na vestima da je sinoc pogodjena Zeleznicka bolnica,
Neurolosko odeljenje je razoreno, bar 3 mrtva i dosta ranjenih
bolesnika, zatim porodiliste - bilo cetiri porodjaja, ranjena i neka
deca. Slike uzasne... Opet jos jedna kolateralna steta!

Naravno, sve to ide kao obavezan refren intenzivne diplomatske
aktivnosti - Cernomirdin u Beogradu, itd., a, kao sto znate, kazu da
jedno ne iskljucuje drugo, vec da "vazdusna kampanja" (cuj, kampanja)
odprilike podrzava diplomate! Glupa sam, brate, za neke stvari! Ne

Idem sada u skolu na neke konsultacije. Sta da savetujem (?!?) ono
nekoliko studenata koji ce da dodju. Danasnja tema je kontinualno
upravljanje. Ovo sto dozivljavamo je kontinualno ubijanje... Dodajte
ovde nekoliko psovki, najruznijih, koje znate...

Voli vas


Part A. Health effects

1. Civilian Casualties

The most prominent effect of NATO bombing is killing of civilians,
so-called and explained as "collateral damage". During the last
fifty-seven days of bombing, over more than 1,000 civilians have been
killed and several times more severely wounded.

a) Three bedriden patients killed in Belgrade

Early morning on May 20, 1999 (01:00 AM), Clinic for Neurology of
Hospital Centre "Dragisa Misovic" in Belgrade was directly hit by two
bombs and burned to the ashes. Three patients have been killed in their
hospital beds. Maternity hose and Surgery Clinik in near vicinity has
been seriously damaged (Glas Javnosti, May 20, 1999). Four women had
been evacuated during their induced labor (RT Politika, Morning News,
May 20, 9:00).

b) Korisa

The most horrible event had happened on May 13, 1999, when NATO jets hit
Albanian refugee's line in village Koris, near Prizren town. NATO has
said that it attacked the village in southern Kosovo where up to 100
civilians died on Friday. The Alliance statement went on to say that the
village was a "legitimate military target" and that NATO deeply
regretted any accidental civilian casualties that were caused by the
attack.. NATO said that the village of Korisa was being used as a
military camp. Speaking on the BBC, NATO spokesman Jamie Shea said: "We
have reports that soldiers were also involved in the casualties, not
simply civilians." BBC Correspondent Jacky Rowland, who visited the
village some 24 hours after the attack, said she saw no evidence of any
military equipment in the area (BBC-Brussels, May 15, 1999). Many other
"collateral damages" in towns all around Yugoslavia are well documented,
as follows.

c) Towns in Kosovo and Metohija:

More than four hundred civilians were killed in the bombing of Pristina,
Djakovica, Prizren, Kosovo Polje, Urosevac, Kosovska Mitrovica, refugee
centers in Orahovac and Srbica, Vitina, etc.

d) Belgrade

Several dozen civilians were killed and more than one hundred wounded in
the bombing of various parts of the city, including its very center: the
building of Radio and Television of Serbia (16 killed and 19 wounded
professional journalists and technical staff), Embassy of the People s
Republic of China (3 employees killed and more than 50 wounded), the
buildings of the federal and republican ministries, business center
"Usce", etc.

On 23 April 1999, NATO aggressors demolished the building of the Radio
and Television of Serbia in Belgrade, the largest radio and TV  company
in  the Balkans with  7000 employees and the state-of-the-art
infrastructure which was made available to seven hundred foreign
correspondents. On that occasion 16 employees of the Radio and
Television of Serbia lost their lives while 19 sustained severe

On April 30, 1999, Veselin Toshkov  for The Associated Press had
reported: "Fire and thick smoke rose from the heart of Belgrade today
after NATO jets blasted the headquarters of the Yugoslav army, the
interior ministry and a residential area. NATO acknowledged one of its
missiles missed its target (The Associated Press, April 30, 1999).
In the most fierce bombing of Belgrade so far, in the night between 7
and 8 May 1999, NATO aircraft hit with three missiles the building of
the Embassy of the People s Republic of China in New Belgrade, a new
structure of exceptional architectural value. According to BBC Online,
Nato has admitted it made a tragic mistake in firing missiles at the
Chinese embassy in the Yugoslav capital, Belgrade, while statement on
Chinese television said Beijing severely condemned a "barbaric attack
and a gross violation of Chinese sovereignty" (BBC Online, May 8, 1999).

e) Surdulica

Twenty civilians were killed (including 12 children) and over 100
wounded (including 24 seriously) during the bombing on 27 April 1999.
BBC Online promptly reported that "The death toll in Surdulica, 200
miles south of Belgrade, remained unclear several hours after the air
strike. Local officials said more than 17 people were killed, national
television put the figure at 20, while a journalist for Cable News
Network counted 16 bodies at a local morgue, 11 of them children.
Officials said about 50 houses were destroyed in the attack, at midday
on Tuesday, and 600 others were damaged.  Nato issued a statement saying
its aircraft carried out a "successful attack against an army barracks
in Surdulica."  It added: "Nato does not target civilians, but we cannot
exclude harm to civilians or civilian property during our air operations
over Yugoslavia.". Sources at the Pentagon said a bomb may have lost its
laser guidance in the smoke put up by earlier explosions (BBC Online,
April 28, 1999).

f) Nis

Fifteen citizens were killed and more than 60 wounded in the bombing of
the center of the town by cluster bombs on 7 May 1999.

g) Kursumlija

Thirteen civilians were killed and twenty five wounded in an attack on
this town.

h) Aleksinac

Twelve civilians were killed and forty wounded in the bombing of 5 April

i) Murino near Rozaje

Five civilians were killed and eight children wounded in the bombing of
this village.

2. Children as victims

NATO bombing is forced children to live in shelters and deprived of
elementary, health and social care. They are exposed to stresses which
will permanently affect their development. Furthermore, according FRY
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (b) many children were killed or wounded in
the bombing of civilian structures and residential areas which can be
illustrated by following examples:

* the killing of several dozen of children during the bombing of the
train in Grdelica gorge on 12 April, the buss in Luzani on 1 May and
buss on the Pec-Rozaje road on 3 May 1999

* the killing of nineteen children in the refugee column near Djakovica
on 14 April 1999

* the killing of twelve children during the bombing of Surdulica on 27
April 1999

* the killing of nine children in the bombing of Kursumlija

* the killing of seven children in Srbica from cluster bombs

* the killing of six children in the bombing of a refugee center in

* the killing of five children from the Koxa family in the village of
Doganovici near Urosevac when six children were wounded by cluster bombs

* three children and two adults killed by a cluster bomb in the village
of Velika Jablanica near Pec on 2 May 1999

* two children killed in Aleksinac on 5 April 1999

* the killing of a three-year old girl in the Belgrade suburb of
Batajnica, and many other cases

3. Refugees as Victims

* On 14 April 1999, 75 citizens of the FR of Yugoslavia were killed and
over 40 of them sustained serious injuries in the bombing of a large
group of refugees on the Djakovica-Prizren road

4. Passengers in Vehicles of Public Transportation as Victims

* Fifty-five passengers were killed and twenty-six wounded in the
Grdelica gorge during the attack on the international passenger train on
the Belgrade-Thessaloniki line on 12 April 1999

* Sixty passengers lost their lives and four were wounded during the
bombing of the "Nis express" coach near the village of Luzani. On that
occasion NATO warplanes bombed also the ambulance which came to help the
victims when one doctor was injured on 1 May 1999

* At least twenty people were killed and twenty were injured during the
attack on the coach on the Pec-Rozaje line on 3 May 1999

5. New Types of Injuries

NATO amply use weapons banned by the Geneva Convention, such as cluster
bombs. In the period between 25 March and 15 May 1999, over 60
containers each with 240 cluster bombs (i.e. over 15,000 bombs), as well
as more than 400 cluster bombs, have been dropped over the territory of
the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. About 40 containers and over 250
cluster bombs have been dropped over Kosovo and Metohija, killing about
200 and wounding over 450 people. Material damage has been enormous:
entire housing estates have been destroyed, as well as schools and
hospitals, industrial plants and communication infrastructure. Dozens of
people, primarily children, have been killed and wounded as a
consequences of the delayed effect of the cluster bombs and new human
casualties and destruction can be expected from the remaining unexploded
bombs (Yugoslav Foreign Ministry, Aide Memoire, Belgrade, May 17, 1999).
Cluster bombs couse new type of injuries. According to Professor Dr
Antonije Skokljev, General Major in Retire, Ex-Head of the
Maxillo-Facial Surgery Clinic VMA (Military Hospital) Belgrade "This
kind wounds was new even for the two experienced surgeons, Dr Lazar
Davidovic and Dr Dragan Markovic. They have operated for three weeks on
Kosovo, Pristina under extremely difficult conditions: no water, no
electricity. These two cardio-vascular surgeons have treated the
injuries of small Sadrina, Albanian girl whose arm was saved in spite of
the difficult injury from the cluster bomb. Dr Davidovic and Dr Markovic
reports are full of previously unwitnessed injuries, such as victims'
bones crashed to such an extent so that they were pulverized by cluster
bombs" (TiM, May 5, 1999).

6. Acute Health Effects

Releasing of above described toxic compounds (see Chapter III) caused
slightly intoxication of affected civilians. For example, more than
100,000 citizens of Pancevo region (Belgrade's northern suberb) were
endangered after bobming of petrochemical complex on April 15th and
18th. However, there are no reports about lethal effects caused by

The use of graphite bombs which have caused short circuits on
long-distance power lines and collapse of the electric power system of
Serbia had produced severe problems in obtaining elementary needs
(health, hygiene, etc) of entire population. The most severely affected
are  hospitals (particularly maternity hospitals - incubators, etc),
including all patients (especially emergency cases and those in
intensive care units), as well as the residents in cities who live in
the high-rises and others.

7. Chronic Health Effects

Several of above described toxic compounds (see Chapter III), released
after NATO bombing, could cause chronic health effects. First of all is
depleted uranium, but also other carcinogenic and toxic substances (e.g.

There is large evidence of using DU ammunition. On 30 March 1999, A-10
planes bombed the region of Greater Prizren. On 18 April 1999 A-10
planes used radio-active ammunition in the region of Greater Bujanovac.
On the basis of spectrometric tests and identification of
radio-nucleides it can be positively averred that the sample - the
bullet for the 30-millimetre cannon of the A-10 plane - contains
depleted uranium. The diameter of the core is 16 mm, length 95 mm, mass
292 gramme and the calculated density about 18 g/cm. The tested sample
has been appropriately deposited and may be offered as evidence material
(Yugoslav Foreign Ministry, Aide Memoire, Belgrade, May 17, 1999).
Such effects could be only monitored at long-term scale.

Ass. Prof. Dr. Radoje Lausevic
Serbian Ecological Society
Univ. Belgrade, Fac. Biol.
Inst. Bot. & Bot. Garden "Jevremovac"
Takovska 43, 11000 Belgrade, Yugoslavia
Tel: +381 11 767-988
Fax: +381 11 769-903